[陳光誠事件] 外媒警告陳光誠:流亡美國者大多失影響
《華盛頓郵報》警告陳光誠：流亡美國者大多已失影響力
Chen Guangcheng must weigh loss of prominence against protection of U.S. asylum
When Xu Wenli lived in China, the government deemed him a menace. A founder of a branch of the China Democracy Party and a leader in the 1979-1981 Democracy Wall movement, Xu served 16 years in prison for allegedly plotting to overthrow the Chinese government.
【倍可親編輯 叁水壹江 草譯】中國民主黨支部的創始人徐文立(編者注：98年11月成立中國民主黨北京天津地區黨部，並被推舉任黨部主席。)在中國境內的時候，被政府視為威脅。作為領1979年-1981年民主牆運動的領導者，他監獄裡呆了16年，罪名是“密謀推翻中國政府”。
Then, in 2002, he received political asylum and arrived on Christmas Eve in a New York City wrapped in snow.
隨後，在2002年平安夜，他獲得美國政治庇護，抵達了被白雪覆蓋的紐約。
A decade later, he speaks little English. Every spring he teaches a dozen or more advanced Chinese-language students at Brown University. He has twice organized meetings of the China Democracy Party, once at the University of Maryland and once at the Hope Club in Providence, R.I. Each time, about 30 people attended.
12年過去了，他能講壹點英文。每個春季，他在布朗大學講授壹些高級中文課程。期間，他兩次組織召開中國民主黨會議。壹次在馬裡蘭大學，另壹次在位於普羅維登斯的布朗大學的希望俱樂部。每次與會的人數，都在30人左右。
The fate of exiled Chinese dissidents like Xu could prove instructive for Chen Guangcheng, the blind lawyer who escaped effective house arrest last week and is believed to have taken refuge in a U.S. Embassy building in Beijing. Though Chen has told friends he wants to remain in China, political asylum in the United States seems a likely outcome, China experts say.
像徐文立這樣流亡海外的中國持不同政見者的經歷對據信已逃出軟禁並在美國大使館避難的盲人律師陳光誠具有指導性。中國專家稱，雖然陳光誠曾告訴他的朋友他想留在中國，最終他或許仍不得不接受美國的政治庇護。
President Obama declined to comment directly about Chen on Monday. But he said that “every time we meet with China, the issue of human rights comes up,” adding that it was not only “the right thing to do, because it comports with our principles and our belief in freedom and human rights, but also because we actually think China will be stronger as it opens up and liberalizes its own system.”
奧巴馬總統在周壹時拒絕了對陳光誠事件作出直接的評論。但是，他指出，每壹次與中國方面會談時都會提到人權問題。這不僅僅是符合美國原則與信仰的“正確的事”，如果中國能就此做出改進，將變得更加強大。
China experts believe that Chen will ultimately accept U.S. asylum — and that U.S. and Chinese officials will agree on such a plan, possibly before Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton and Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner arrive in Beijing on Wednesday morning for long-scheduled meetings.
中國專家預計陳光誠最終會接受美國的庇護，同時中美兩國會就此達成協議，在國務卿希拉裡和財長蓋納特周叁上午抵達中國參與會商前解決這件事。
It’s a difficult choice for Chen. Chinese dissidents who have gone into exile in the United States have gained freedom, but most have lost stature.
這對陳光誠來說，是壹個艱難的選擇。那些流亡在美國的中國持不同政見者都獲得了自身的自由，但大多數已失去了聲望與影響力。
Jerome A. Cohen, a Chinese law expert at New York University law school, said that the question for Chen is: “Is it better to be in China and be stifled, or to come to America and be frustrated because you’re not able to muster much understanding or support?”
紐約大學的中國法律專家Jerome A. Cohen說，擺在陳光誠面前的問題是，要麼在中國被扼殺，要麼在美國因無法得到理解與支持而沮喪。
Mixed outcomes
The track record of those who have come to America before Chen is a strange mixture.
那些在陳光誠之前來到美國的人的記錄是形形色色的奇怪的混搭。
Li Lu, who came to the United States after the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989, is an investment manager and possible successor to Warren Buffett. Shen Tong, who also fled in 1989 and runs a successful software company, has devoted most of his time in recent months to plotting strategy for the Occupy Wall Street movement.
在天安門事件之後來到美國的李祿是壹名投資經理人，並渴望成為巴菲特的繼任者。同因“六肆”而逃亡的沈彤，開辦了壹家運營得不錯的軟件公司。最近幾個月，他把大多數時間都投入到了占領華爾街運動中。
“The U.S. was not only my home, but it stood for something admirable or even inspirational,” Shen said, recalling how he felt when he first arrived. “That hasn’t been true for a while.” The Occupy movement has given him a chance to participate, as did the Tiananmen demonstrations. “In some ways, this is what I came for,” he said.
美國不僅是我的家，沈彤說，它代表著令人欽佩的，甚至勵志的精神。回憶起第壹次來到美國的感受，他在壹段時間內都有壹種不真實的感覺。而占領華爾街運動給了他和天安門學潮壹樣的示威機會。“從某種意義上來說，這也是我來美國所追求的”，他說。
Wei Jingsheng, a Beijing zoo electrician who spent 18 years in prison for writing that China could not modernize economically without political modernization, makes speeches and has done talk shows on Voice of America. But he has struggled to rally support and has bickered with other exiles since arriving in 1997. He runs a foundation in Washington and lives on Maryland’s Eastern Shore.
因“中國沒有政治現代化就不可能經濟現代化”言論而入獄18年的前北京動物園電工魏京生曾多次在美國之音發表演講。他壹直試圖重整旗鼓。在1997年抵美後，他壹直與其他流亡人士吵得不可開交。他在華盛頓運營著壹家基金會，生活在馬裡蘭的東海岸。
“I think I have been more effective in the United States than if I had stayed in a Chinese jail,” Wei said in an interview Monday. “That’s not true for most people sent to exile. Most are trapped by the need to make a living. They effectively are disappeared from this world.”
魏京生在周壹受訪時稱，來到美國比留在中國的監獄更加能讓自己的努力有效用。但他也承認，對大多數其他流亡人士來說，情況是不同的。他們都疲於應付基本的生計需求而毫無建樹。
At times, China’s exiles have floundered. In the early 1990s, the author Orville Schell wrote a profile of exiled Tiananmen student leader Wu’er Kaixi, who was then running a Ranch House restaurant off a freeway near San Francisco International Airport.
有時，中國的流亡者們陷入躊躇的困境。在20世紀90年代初，作家奧維爾·謝爾描寫稱流亡的天安門學生領袖吾爾開希在舊金山國際機場附近的高速公路邊經營餐廳。
The late Fang Lizhi made a poorly received, dogma-laden speech in broken English at the Council on Foreign Relations when he was allowed to leave the U.S. Embassy in Beijing for exile, and later went to teach at the University of Arizona.
稍後，方勵之在獲准離開美國駐北京大使館開始流亡生活後，用他憋足的英語發表了效果不佳，極為教條的演說。此後，他在亞利桑那大學執教。
Xu, who was 59 when he arrived, said adjusting to the United States has been difficult in some ways. Learning English and finding work was hard.
徐文立在抵美時已59歲了。他說，某種程度上來說，要適應美國很困難。學英語和找工作都是不輕松的事情。
“Not being able to go back to China for so long has been a very negative experience, because China has been the home that nurtured me for so long,” he said. And he misses his relatives. “Even though my parents have passed away,” he said, “I can’t go tend to their graves.”
而長時間不能返回中國更是壹種消極的體驗。中國畢竟是長期哺育我的故土。徐文立說，他思念自己的親人們，即使雙親都已過世，他卻不能去祭掃他們安息之墓。
But he said the growth of the Internet has made it easier for exiles to have an impact in China. He is still able to e-mail or Skype people inside China. He has a Web site that has been hacked and rebuilt several times, but he said it still gets about a million hits a month.
但，徐文立說，互聯網的發展讓流亡人士們更容易在中國發揮影響力。他仍然能通過電子郵件和Skype與中國境內的人聯系。他有壹個被黑無數次的網站，至今每月仍受到上百萬次的攻擊。
One person whose stature has grown in exile is Rebiya Kadeer, a successful businesswoman from the Uighur ethnic group in the western province of Xinjiang. In China, Kadeer was arrested while on her way to meet a U.S. congressional delegation in 1999. She was put in a small cell in Bajahu women’s prison with two women monitoring her. One day in 2005, she said, the guards left and people in dark suits appeared, telling her she was bound for the United States. She didn’t believe it until she was taken to Beijing and met a U.S. Embassy official.
影響力因流亡而增長的是熱比婭，壹個西部省份新疆的維吾爾族成功商人。1999年，熱比婭在前往會晤訪華的美國國會代表團的路上被捕。她被關進女子監獄的狹小單間，並受兩名女性的監控。2005年的壹天，看守不見了，穿著深色西裝的人告訴她，她將被交給美國。而她直到被帶到北京並見到美國使館官員後才敢相信這是真的。
“I couldn’t control myself,” she recalled. “I cried and hugged the embassy official.”
“我無法控制自己”，熱比婭回憶說，“我抱著使館的官員哭了”。
In the United States, she twice met President George W. Bush.
在美國，她兩次見到了小布什總統。
“She became the face of the Uighur struggle when she came to the United States,” said Nury Turkel, a lawyer and previous president of the Uighur American Association. “One of the wealthiest people in China before being arrested, she was already high-profile in China. Because of her tireless efforts after her release, she has been able to elevate the status of the Uighur struggle to an international level.”
“當她來到美國後，它成為了維族斗爭的代表性頭面人物”，維吾爾美國協會的前任主席，律師Nury Turkel說。“她在中國被捕前，就是有名的富商。獲釋後，通過努力，維族人的斗爭得到推動。”
But there have been trade-offs. “We cannot be directly involved in what’s happening inside the country,” Kadeer said. She added, “When we go into exile, our relatives are in absolute danger.” Chinese authorities have arrested two of her sons and put them in a prison next to the one that housed Kadeer.
但這也是有取舍的。 “我們不能直接參與是在該國境內發生了什麼，”熱比婭說，“我們流亡海外，我們的親人是絕對危險的。”中國當局已經逮捕了她的兩個兒子，並把他們關在曾安置熱比婭的監獄旁。
‘A quiet charisma’
That danger is a key one for Chen, who left his wife and child behind in Shandong province. Other relatives and friends have been questioned or arrested. In the YouTube video he posted last week, Chen appealed to Premier Wen Jiabao to protect his wife, who he said had been beaten repeatedly.
For both U.S. and Chinese officials, political asylum in the United States for Chen is likely to be the preferred route, analysts say. If Chen remains in China, U.S. officials fear he will continue to be abused and harassed, and Chinese officials fear he will remain a thorn in relations with Western nations that have put Chen’s treatment at or near the top of their human rights complaints for several years.
But for Chen, exile would mean giving up his goal of providing legal services in rural areas through what he called “barefoot lawyers,” a play on the Mao Zedong-era barefoot doctors. Chen also would be unable to continue to pursue the cause of women forced to undergo abortions or sterilization in rural Shandong. Unlike some other dissidents, he has called not for democracy but for the enforcement of China’s existing laws, which he says are widely ignored by courts, police and party officials.
His mission in the United States would be different. Yet Cohen, who met Chen before he ran afoul of Chinese authorities, said the lawyer has a “quiet charisma” that could help him stay prominent.
Xu sympathizes. “The situation in China is very dangerous, so leaving might be a better option for him,” Xu said. “It would be better if he could stay in China, because in China, he acts as a voice for the disenfranchised and unfairly treated.”
據法新社報道：設在美國的“對華援助協會”傅希秋牧師透露，有關陳光誠的情況，過去幾天發生了變化，陳光誠此前壹直不願意離開中國，現在他接受了現實，知道“他不可能回東師古了”，所以只要家人能陪同，他准備到美國去。假如陳光誠真的同意赴美，此事引發的人權危機是否就可以大事化小，小事化了呢？
從傅希秋牧師的話來看，中美雙方這兩天連軸轉談判，尋找解決陳光誠問題的辦法，這個辦法主要是要讓中美雙方政府都有面子。特別是要讓尷尬的中國政府有面子。對奧巴馬政府來說，是要既能在美國大選中不被對手共和黨抓住“人權”小辮子，也不要和中國鬧翻，影響在“戰略”問題上的談判。在敘利亞，朝鮮，伊朗等棘手外交問題上，奧巴馬需要中國的合作。而對中國來說，就是要做到盡量地低調再低調，要在中國媒體禁聲老百姓還不知道陳光誠是誰以前，就讓陳光誠離開中國。所以陳光誠在中美戰略對話前逃亡進入美國使館，既是引發中美高層重視的壹個機會，也無意中成為中美外交博弈的壹個棋子。
據各方信息，陳光誠是不想離開中國到美國避難的，他爭取的是在自己國家自己家裡能有尊嚴的正常生活。但假如陳光誠現在出於不得已的現實，而最後真的同意赴美的話，陳光誠事件的危機是否就立即化解了？今後中國在人權問題上是否能夠有所進步？這些都還需要觀察。
對中國高層來說，陳光誠逃亡進入美國使館只是壹樁從未應對過的“突發事件”，有海外中文網站刊登推特文章，說有消息人士透露：中共高層對突然爆發的陳光誠事件非常震驚，已經做出促使陳光誠去美國的決定。 這壹無法核實的推特消息還說：胡錦濤與奧巴馬已經在數日前就此問題通過電話。胡錦濤更對陳光誠事件做出批示，強調“這個事件必須盡快妥善解決”，“不能影響穩定”，“不能影響中美關系大局”。 基於胡錦濤的定調，中共當局為解決陳光誠事件的基本原則是：低調處理盡快解決。為此有關部門制定的底線是：1，給予陳光誠經濟賠償； 2， 處治地方政府相關責任人； 3， 陳光誠及其親屬均可自由出國； 4， 在朝鮮及敘利亞問題上，采取某些措施； 5， 中美雙方都不公開在此問題上的協議。
盡管我們無法證實以上消息是否屬實，但了解中國政治的人都知道：胡溫等中共領導層目前最需要的是低調處理陳光誠事件，而且也確有低調處理的可能性。和王立軍(專題)進入成都美國領事館相比，低調處理陳光誠事件的可操作性更大，陳光誠是“牆內開花牆外香”的維權人士，由於中國政府打壓和媒體封鎖，知道陳光誠其人其事的，主要限於那些能夠上網翻牆，或對政治比較關心的中國人。
假如陳光誠真的同意赴美，中國高層領導人似乎就能喘壹口氣，並希望借助媒體的封鎖而化險為夷。如果今後的事實證明是這樣的話，中國無疑就失去壹次改進人權和重建法治的寶貴機會。
實際上，陳光誠的遭遇雖是中國人權受侵犯的極端典型，但遠不是唯壹的例子。法國《世界報》日前在報道陳光誠遭遇的同時，也以相當多的篇幅，壹個個介紹中國其他著名維權人士所受到的長期非法監禁，虐待甚至酷刑。他們中有：高智晟，胡佳，余傑，秦永敏，劉曉波，艾未未(專題)等人。壹般來說：中國的政治異議人士和維權人士，除了被判刑坐牢以外，基本上都是在出獄後繼續處於不自由處境。就在陳光誠被判刑坐牢的肆年間，他的妻子袁偉靜也就不能外出，失去了人身自由。現在劉曉波的妻子劉霞的情況也是如此。
自從王立軍(專題)薄熙來(專題)事件發生，重慶“打黑”顯出“黑打”的內瓤，人們開始普遍重視中國公安司法制度問題，呼吁取消中共層層設置的“政法委”機構，謝亞龍當庭揭露受到酷刑也引發中國社會震動，所以陳光誠事件並不僅僅是突發事件，而是多年來，中國經濟發展卻拒絕國際批評，把壹切外來的批評指責為“國外敵對勢力”，拒絕改進人權和法治的惡果。
這次陳光誠逃到美國使館，使美方不再有“幹涉中國內政”的嫌疑，而正是通過中美談判才滿足中方“低調處理”的要求。如果美國都不是“國外敵對勢力”，還到哪裡去找“國外敵對勢力”呢？希望“國外敵對勢力”壹詞今後少壹點出現在中國的官話中。另外，假如陳光誠真的同意赴美，也不能錯誤地以為可以在人權問題任意瞞天過海胡作非為。包括陳光誠在內的中國人都在等待溫總理的回答呢。
[物價飛漲的時候 這樣省錢購物很爽]
已經有 1 人參與評論了, 我也來說幾句吧
Chen Guangcheng must weigh loss of prominence against protection of U.S. asylum
When Xu Wenli lived in China, the government deemed him a menace. A founder of a branch of the China Democracy Party and a leader in the 1979-1981 Democracy Wall movement, Xu served 16 years in prison for allegedly plotting to overthrow the Chinese government.
【倍可親編輯 叁水壹江 草譯】中國民主黨支部的創始人徐文立(編者注：98年11月成立中國民主黨北京天津地區黨部，並被推舉任黨部主席。)在中國境內的時候，被政府視為威脅。作為領1979年-1981年民主牆運動的領導者，他監獄裡呆了16年，罪名是“密謀推翻中國政府”。
Then, in 2002, he received political asylum and arrived on Christmas Eve in a New York City wrapped in snow.
隨後，在2002年平安夜，他獲得美國政治庇護，抵達了被白雪覆蓋的紐約。
A decade later, he speaks little English. Every spring he teaches a dozen or more advanced Chinese-language students at Brown University. He has twice organized meetings of the China Democracy Party, once at the University of Maryland and once at the Hope Club in Providence, R.I. Each time, about 30 people attended.
12年過去了，他能講壹點英文。每個春季，他在布朗大學講授壹些高級中文課程。期間，他兩次組織召開中國民主黨會議。壹次在馬裡蘭大學，另壹次在位於普羅維登斯的布朗大學的希望俱樂部。每次與會的人數，都在30人左右。
The fate of exiled Chinese dissidents like Xu could prove instructive for Chen Guangcheng, the blind lawyer who escaped effective house arrest last week and is believed to have taken refuge in a U.S. Embassy building in Beijing. Though Chen has told friends he wants to remain in China, political asylum in the United States seems a likely outcome, China experts say.
像徐文立這樣流亡海外的中國持不同政見者的經歷對據信已逃出軟禁並在美國大使館避難的盲人律師陳光誠具有指導性。中國專家稱，雖然陳光誠曾告訴他的朋友他想留在中國，最終他或許仍不得不接受美國的政治庇護。
President Obama declined to comment directly about Chen on Monday. But he said that “every time we meet with China, the issue of human rights comes up,” adding that it was not only “the right thing to do, because it comports with our principles and our belief in freedom and human rights, but also because we actually think China will be stronger as it opens up and liberalizes its own system.”
奧巴馬總統在周壹時拒絕了對陳光誠事件作出直接的評論。但是，他指出，每壹次與中國方面會談時都會提到人權問題。這不僅僅是符合美國原則與信仰的“正確的事”，如果中國能就此做出改進，將變得更加強大。
China experts believe that Chen will ultimately accept U.S. asylum — and that U.S. and Chinese officials will agree on such a plan, possibly before Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton and Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner arrive in Beijing on Wednesday morning for long-scheduled meetings.
中國專家預計陳光誠最終會接受美國的庇護，同時中美兩國會就此達成協議，在國務卿希拉裡和財長蓋納特周叁上午抵達中國參與會商前解決這件事。
It’s a difficult choice for Chen. Chinese dissidents who have gone into exile in the United States have gained freedom, but most have lost stature.
這對陳光誠來說，是壹個艱難的選擇。那些流亡在美國的中國持不同政見者都獲得了自身的自由，但大多數已失去了聲望與影響力。
Jerome A. Cohen, a Chinese law expert at New York University law school, said that the question for Chen is: “Is it better to be in China and be stifled, or to come to America and be frustrated because you’re not able to muster much understanding or support?”
紐約大學的中國法律專家Jerome A. Cohen說，擺在陳光誠面前的問題是，要麼在中國被扼殺，要麼在美國因無法得到理解與支持而沮喪。
Mixed outcomes
The track record of those who have come to America before Chen is a strange mixture.
那些在陳光誠之前來到美國的人的記錄是形形色色的奇怪的混搭。
Li Lu, who came to the United States after the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989, is an investment manager and possible successor to Warren Buffett. Shen Tong, who also fled in 1989 and runs a successful software company, has devoted most of his time in recent months to plotting strategy for the Occupy Wall Street movement.
在天安門事件之後來到美國的李祿是壹名投資經理人，並渴望成為巴菲特的繼任者。同因“六肆”而逃亡的沈彤，開辦了壹家運營得不錯的軟件公司。最近幾個月，他把大多數時間都投入到了占領華爾街運動中。
“The U.S. was not only my home, but it stood for something admirable or even inspirational,” Shen said, recalling how he felt when he first arrived. “That hasn’t been true for a while.” The Occupy movement has given him a chance to participate, as did the Tiananmen demonstrations. “In some ways, this is what I came for,” he said.
美國不僅是我的家，沈彤說，它代表著令人欽佩的，甚至勵志的精神。回憶起第壹次來到美國的感受，他在壹段時間內都有壹種不真實的感覺。而占領華爾街運動給了他和天安門學潮壹樣的示威機會。“從某種意義上來說，這也是我來美國所追求的”，他說。
Wei Jingsheng, a Beijing zoo electrician who spent 18 years in prison for writing that China could not modernize economically without political modernization, makes speeches and has done talk shows on Voice of America. But he has struggled to rally support and has bickered with other exiles since arriving in 1997. He runs a foundation in Washington and lives on Maryland’s Eastern Shore.
因“中國沒有政治現代化就不可能經濟現代化”言論而入獄18年的前北京動物園電工魏京生曾多次在美國之音發表演講。他壹直試圖重整旗鼓。在1997年抵美後，他壹直與其他流亡人士吵得不可開交。他在華盛頓運營著壹家基金會，生活在馬裡蘭的東海岸。
“I think I have been more effective in the United States than if I had stayed in a Chinese jail,” Wei said in an interview Monday. “That’s not true for most people sent to exile. Most are trapped by the need to make a living. They effectively are disappeared from this world.”
魏京生在周壹受訪時稱，來到美國比留在中國的監獄更加能讓自己的努力有效用。但他也承認，對大多數其他流亡人士來說，情況是不同的。他們都疲於應付基本的生計需求而毫無建樹。
At times, China’s exiles have floundered. In the early 1990s, the author Orville Schell wrote a profile of exiled Tiananmen student leader Wu’er Kaixi, who was then running a Ranch House restaurant off a freeway near San Francisco International Airport.
有時，中國的流亡者們陷入躊躇的困境。在20世紀90年代初，作家奧維爾·謝爾描寫稱流亡的天安門學生領袖吾爾開希在舊金山國際機場附近的高速公路邊經營餐廳。
The late Fang Lizhi made a poorly received, dogma-laden speech in broken English at the Council on Foreign Relations when he was allowed to leave the U.S. Embassy in Beijing for exile, and later went to teach at the University of Arizona.
稍後，方勵之在獲准離開美國駐北京大使館開始流亡生活後，用他憋足的英語發表了效果不佳，極為教條的演說。此後，他在亞利桑那大學執教。
Xu, who was 59 when he arrived, said adjusting to the United States has been difficult in some ways. Learning English and finding work was hard.
徐文立在抵美時已59歲了。他說，某種程度上來說，要適應美國很困難。學英語和找工作都是不輕松的事情。
“Not being able to go back to China for so long has been a very negative experience, because China has been the home that nurtured me for so long,” he said. And he misses his relatives. “Even though my parents have passed away,” he said, “I can’t go tend to their graves.”
而長時間不能返回中國更是壹種消極的體驗。中國畢竟是長期哺育我的故土。徐文立說，他思念自己的親人們，即使雙親都已過世，他卻不能去祭掃他們安息之墓。
But he said the growth of the Internet has made it easier for exiles to have an impact in China. He is still able to e-mail or Skype people inside China. He has a Web site that has been hacked and rebuilt several times, but he said it still gets about a million hits a month.
但，徐文立說，互聯網的發展讓流亡人士們更容易在中國發揮影響力。他仍然能通過電子郵件和Skype與中國境內的人聯系。他有壹個被黑無數次的網站，至今每月仍受到上百萬次的攻擊。
One person whose stature has grown in exile is Rebiya Kadeer, a successful businesswoman from the Uighur ethnic group in the western province of Xinjiang. In China, Kadeer was arrested while on her way to meet a U.S. congressional delegation in 1999. She was put in a small cell in Bajahu women’s prison with two women monitoring her. One day in 2005, she said, the guards left and people in dark suits appeared, telling her she was bound for the United States. She didn’t believe it until she was taken to Beijing and met a U.S. Embassy official.
影響力因流亡而增長的是熱比婭，壹個西部省份新疆的維吾爾族成功商人。1999年，熱比婭在前往會晤訪華的美國國會代表團的路上被捕。她被關進女子監獄的狹小單間，並受兩名女性的監控。2005年的壹天，看守不見了，穿著深色西裝的人告訴她，她將被交給美國。而她直到被帶到北京並見到美國使館官員後才敢相信這是真的。
“I couldn’t control myself,” she recalled. “I cried and hugged the embassy official.”
“我無法控制自己”，熱比婭回憶說，“我抱著使館的官員哭了”。
In the United States, she twice met President George W. Bush.
在美國，她兩次見到了小布什總統。
“She became the face of the Uighur struggle when she came to the United States,” said Nury Turkel, a lawyer and previous president of the Uighur American Association. “One of the wealthiest people in China before being arrested, she was already high-profile in China. Because of her tireless efforts after her release, she has been able to elevate the status of the Uighur struggle to an international level.”
“當她來到美國後，它成為了維族斗爭的代表性頭面人物”，維吾爾美國協會的前任主席，律師Nury Turkel說。“她在中國被捕前，就是有名的富商。獲釋後，通過努力，維族人的斗爭得到推動。”
But there have been trade-offs. “We cannot be directly involved in what’s happening inside the country,” Kadeer said. She added, “When we go into exile, our relatives are in absolute danger.” Chinese authorities have arrested two of her sons and put them in a prison next to the one that housed Kadeer.
但這也是有取舍的。 “我們不能直接參與是在該國境內發生了什麼，”熱比婭說，“我們流亡海外，我們的親人是絕對危險的。”中國當局已經逮捕了她的兩個兒子，並把他們關在曾安置熱比婭的監獄旁。
‘A quiet charisma’
That danger is a key one for Chen, who left his wife and child behind in Shandong province. Other relatives and friends have been questioned or arrested. In the YouTube video he posted last week, Chen appealed to Premier Wen Jiabao to protect his wife, who he said had been beaten repeatedly.
For both U.S. and Chinese officials, political asylum in the United States for Chen is likely to be the preferred route, analysts say. If Chen remains in China, U.S. officials fear he will continue to be abused and harassed, and Chinese officials fear he will remain a thorn in relations with Western nations that have put Chen’s treatment at or near the top of their human rights complaints for several years.
But for Chen, exile would mean giving up his goal of providing legal services in rural areas through what he called “barefoot lawyers,” a play on the Mao Zedong-era barefoot doctors. Chen also would be unable to continue to pursue the cause of women forced to undergo abortions or sterilization in rural Shandong. Unlike some other dissidents, he has called not for democracy but for the enforcement of China’s existing laws, which he says are widely ignored by courts, police and party officials.
His mission in the United States would be different. Yet Cohen, who met Chen before he ran afoul of Chinese authorities, said the lawyer has a “quiet charisma” that could help him stay prominent.
Xu sympathizes. “The situation in China is very dangerous, so leaving might be a better option for him,” Xu said. “It would be better if he could stay in China, because in China, he acts as a voice for the disenfranchised and unfairly treated.”
據法新社報道：設在美國的“對華援助協會”傅希秋牧師透露，有關陳光誠的情況，過去幾天發生了變化，陳光誠此前壹直不願意離開中國，現在他接受了現實，知道“他不可能回東師古了”，所以只要家人能陪同，他准備到美國去。假如陳光誠真的同意赴美，此事引發的人權危機是否就可以大事化小，小事化了呢？
從傅希秋牧師的話來看，中美雙方這兩天連軸轉談判，尋找解決陳光誠問題的辦法，這個辦法主要是要讓中美雙方政府都有面子。特別是要讓尷尬的中國政府有面子。對奧巴馬政府來說，是要既能在美國大選中不被對手共和黨抓住“人權”小辮子，也不要和中國鬧翻，影響在“戰略”問題上的談判。在敘利亞，朝鮮，伊朗等棘手外交問題上，奧巴馬需要中國的合作。而對中國來說，就是要做到盡量地低調再低調，要在中國媒體禁聲老百姓還不知道陳光誠是誰以前，就讓陳光誠離開中國。所以陳光誠在中美戰略對話前逃亡進入美國使館，既是引發中美高層重視的壹個機會，也無意中成為中美外交博弈的壹個棋子。
據各方信息，陳光誠是不想離開中國到美國避難的，他爭取的是在自己國家自己家裡能有尊嚴的正常生活。但假如陳光誠現在出於不得已的現實，而最後真的同意赴美的話，陳光誠事件的危機是否就立即化解了？今後中國在人權問題上是否能夠有所進步？這些都還需要觀察。
對中國高層來說，陳光誠逃亡進入美國使館只是壹樁從未應對過的“突發事件”，有海外中文網站刊登推特文章，說有消息人士透露：中共高層對突然爆發的陳光誠事件非常震驚，已經做出促使陳光誠去美國的決定。 這壹無法核實的推特消息還說：胡錦濤與奧巴馬已經在數日前就此問題通過電話。胡錦濤更對陳光誠事件做出批示，強調“這個事件必須盡快妥善解決”，“不能影響穩定”，“不能影響中美關系大局”。 基於胡錦濤的定調，中共當局為解決陳光誠事件的基本原則是：低調處理盡快解決。為此有關部門制定的底線是：1，給予陳光誠經濟賠償； 2， 處治地方政府相關責任人； 3， 陳光誠及其親屬均可自由出國； 4， 在朝鮮及敘利亞問題上，采取某些措施； 5， 中美雙方都不公開在此問題上的協議。
盡管我們無法證實以上消息是否屬實，但了解中國政治的人都知道：胡溫等中共領導層目前最需要的是低調處理陳光誠事件，而且也確有低調處理的可能性。和王立軍(專題)進入成都美國領事館相比，低調處理陳光誠事件的可操作性更大，陳光誠是“牆內開花牆外香”的維權人士，由於中國政府打壓和媒體封鎖，知道陳光誠其人其事的，主要限於那些能夠上網翻牆，或對政治比較關心的中國人。
假如陳光誠真的同意赴美，中國高層領導人似乎就能喘壹口氣，並希望借助媒體的封鎖而化險為夷。如果今後的事實證明是這樣的話，中國無疑就失去壹次改進人權和重建法治的寶貴機會。
實際上，陳光誠的遭遇雖是中國人權受侵犯的極端典型，但遠不是唯壹的例子。法國《世界報》日前在報道陳光誠遭遇的同時，也以相當多的篇幅，壹個個介紹中國其他著名維權人士所受到的長期非法監禁，虐待甚至酷刑。他們中有：高智晟，胡佳，余傑，秦永敏，劉曉波，艾未未(專題)等人。壹般來說：中國的政治異議人士和維權人士，除了被判刑坐牢以外，基本上都是在出獄後繼續處於不自由處境。就在陳光誠被判刑坐牢的肆年間，他的妻子袁偉靜也就不能外出，失去了人身自由。現在劉曉波的妻子劉霞的情況也是如此。
自從王立軍(專題)薄熙來(專題)事件發生，重慶“打黑”顯出“黑打”的內瓤，人們開始普遍重視中國公安司法制度問題，呼吁取消中共層層設置的“政法委”機構，謝亞龍當庭揭露受到酷刑也引發中國社會震動，所以陳光誠事件並不僅僅是突發事件，而是多年來，中國經濟發展卻拒絕國際批評，把壹切外來的批評指責為“國外敵對勢力”，拒絕改進人權和法治的惡果。
這次陳光誠逃到美國使館，使美方不再有“幹涉中國內政”的嫌疑，而正是通過中美談判才滿足中方“低調處理”的要求。如果美國都不是“國外敵對勢力”，還到哪裡去找“國外敵對勢力”呢？希望“國外敵對勢力”壹詞今後少壹點出現在中國的官話中。另外，假如陳光誠真的同意赴美，也不能錯誤地以為可以在人權問題任意瞞天過海胡作非為。包括陳光誠在內的中國人都在等待溫總理的回答呢。
[物價飛漲的時候 這樣省錢購物很爽]
| 分享: |
| 注： |
| 延伸閱讀 | 更多... |
 王志安質疑陳光誠是否為盲人案在東京開庭 |
王志安批盲人律師陳光誠假瞎被告 法庭要審理了 |
| 陳光誠告王志安 求償3.3億 10日開庭 (1條評論) |
陳光誠訴王志安造謠誹謗 東京法庭10日開庭 |
| 陳光誠:弄清徐州鐵鏈女是誰難嗎？ (1條評論) |
陳光誠談維權律師張凱被媒體認罪 |
| 光環背後：袁偉靜的陳光誠故事 |
揭秘美營救陳光誠 海軍陸戰隊待命 |
| 陳光誠兄遭遇離奇"車禍" 跳車逃生 |
陳光誠壹意孤行 卷入美國政治漩渦 |
推薦: